True, it is evil that a single man should crush the herd, but see not there the worse form of slavery, which is when the herd crushes out the man.
Sometime theyll give a war and nobody will come.
I have heard you intend to settle us on a reservation near the mountains. I dont want to settle. I love to roam over the prairies. There I feel free and happy, but when we settle down we grow pale and die.
A long time ago this land belonged to our fathers, but when I go up to the river I see camps of soldiers on its banks. These soldiers cut down my timber, they kill my buffalo and when I see that, my heart feels like bursting.
Fanaticism consists in redoubling your effort when you have forgotten your aim.
Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.
When the rich wage war, its the poor who die.
There is . . . no fundamental, but that every supreme power must be arbitrary.
[Slavery as that] which thus violates the most indisputable of properties.
It [consciption] is the most scandalous violation of property and of all natural rights.
I will say that we can violate a mans property rights not only by seizing the products of his lands, capital and industry, but also by hindering him in the free use of these means of production. For the right to property as it is defined by the jurisconsults is the right to use, and even to abuse.
Taxes, even when authorized by the public, are a violation of property . . . a theft.
Under free competition, the better an industrious man defends his own interests, the better he serves the national wealth. The meddling interference of authority cannot comprehend these interests any better than the individual. Each regulation is fatal, because it can never take the place of the intelligence of producers and it hinders their actions, the principal means of their successes.
If equity commands that consumption be paid for by those who have enjoyed it, then in this respect the best administered countries are those where each class supports the cost of public expenses to the extent that they have benefited from them.
The price of goods based upon a monopoly is, by virtue of this privilege, higher than its cost of production and is to that extent an assault upon the property of the buyer. A tax which is raised higher than the cost necessary to procure the taxpayer the security he desires is likewise an assault upon the property of the taxpayer.
[Adam] Smith wished to have civil suits paid for by the parties involved. This idea would be even more practical if judgments were made not by officially chosen tribunals but by arbiters chosen by the parties from among those men singled out by public confidence. If these arbiters, acting as a jury of equity, were paid in proportion to the sum in dispute without regard to the length of the proceeding, they would be motivated to simplify and shorten the procedure in order to save their own time and to judge fairly in order to assure their continued employment.
Arbiters would be paid by the parties, or perhaps by the losing party only, according to the importance of the interests in question not of the length of the trial. The parties would or would not employ the services of lawyers and advocates as they pleased. . . . Thus, the honorarium of the judge would be composed: (l) of a fixed sum for each province, a very moderate sum paid simply to have a man keep himself at the disposition of the public, (2) an ad hoc premium when he is called to be an arbiter, and (3) an honorarium proportional to the value in dispute, payable after judgment.
The Imperial Presidency was essentially the creation of foreign policy. A combination of doctrines and emotions--belief in permanent and universal crisis, fear of communism, faith in the duty, and the right of the United States to intervene swiftly in every part of the world--had brought about the unprecedented centralization of decisions over war and peace in the Presidency. With this came an unprecedented exclusion of the rest of the executive branch, of Congress, of the press and of public opinion in general from these decisions. Prolonged war in Vietnam strengthened the tendencies toward both centralization and exclusion. So the Imperial Presidency grew at the expense of the constitutional order. Like a cowbird, it hatched its own eggs and pushed the others out of the nest. And as it overwhelmed the traditional seperation of powers in foreign affairs, it began to aspire toward an equivalent centralization of power in the domestic polity.
The Imperial Presidency, born in the 1940s and 1950s to save the outer world from perdition, thus began in the 1960s and 1970s to find nurture at home. Foreign policy had given the President the command of peace and war. Now the decay of the parties left him in command of the political scene, and the Keynesian revelation placed him in command of the economy. At this extraordinary historical moment, when foreign and domestic lines of force converged, much depended on whether the occupant of the White House was moved to ride the new tendencies of power or to resist them.
Bureaucracy is not an obstacle to democracy but an inevitable complement to it.
We always plan too much and always think too little.
Entrepreneurial profit . . . is the expression of the value of what the entrepreneur contributes to production.
Democracy is a political method, that is to say, a certain type of institutional arrangement for arriving at political--legislative and administrative--decisions and hence incapable of being an end in itself.
First, war economy essentially means switching the economy from production for the needs of a peaceful life to production for the needs of warfare. This means in the first place that the available means of production are used in some part to produce different final goods, chiefly of course war materials, and in the most part to produce the same products as before but for other customers than in peacetime. This means, furthermore, that the available means of production are mainly used to produce as many goods for immediate consumption as possible to the detriment of the production of the means of production--particularly machinery and industrial plant--so that part of production that in peacetime takes up so much room, namely the production for the maintenance and expansion of the productive apparatus, decreases more and more. The possibility to do just this, that is to use for immediate consumption goods, labor, and capital which previously had made producers goods and thus only indirectly contributed to the production of consumers goods (i.e., which made future rather than present goods to use the technical terminology), this possibility was our great reserve which has saved us so far and which has prevented the stream of consumers goods from drying up completely. . . . Our poverty will be brought home to us to its full extent only after the war. Only then will the worn-out machines, the run-down buildings, the neglected land, the decimated livestock, the devastated forests, bear witness to the full depth of the effects of war.
Yet the danger persists that power asserted during authentic emergencies may create precedents for transcendent executive power during emergencies that exist only in the hallucinations of the Oval Office and that remain invisible to most of the nation. The perennial qustion is: How to distinguish real crises threatening the life of the republic from bad dreams conjured up by paranoid presidents spurred on by paranoid advisers? Necessity, as Milton said, is always the tyrantss plea.
We must expect that anti-imperialist tendencies will show themselves wherever capitalism penetrates the economy and, through the economy, the mind of modern nations. [Imperialism and Social Classes, p. 69-70]
Civilization can only revive when there shall come into being in a number of individuals a new tone of mind independent of the one prevalent among the crowd and in opposition to it, a tone of mind which will gradually win influence over the collective one, and in the end determine its character. It is only an ethical movement which can rescue us from the slough of barbarism, and the ethical comes into existence only in individuals.
Revenge . . . is like a rolling stone, which, when a man hath forced up a hill, will return upon him with a greater violence, and break those bones whose sinews gave it motion.
Freedom cant be kept for nothing. If you set a high value on liberty, must set a low value on everything else.
A sword never kills anyone; it is a tool in the killers hand.
Patriotism is your conviction that this country is superior to all other countries because you were born in it.
War can so easily be gilt with romance and heroism and solemn national duty and patriotism and the like by persons whose superficial literary and oratorical talent covers an abyss of Godforsaken folly.
Our way of getting an army able to fight the German army is to declare war on Germany just as if we had such an army, and then trust to the appalling resultant peril and disaster to drive us into wholesale enlistment.
There may they dig each other's graves, and call the sad work glory.
Peace is not only better than war, but infinitely more arduous.
Independence I have long considered as the grand blessing of life, the basis of every virtue; and independence I will ever secure by contracting my wants, though I were to live on a barren heath.
Every political good carried to the extreme must be productive of evil.
Man has no right to kill his brother. It is no excuse that he does so in uniform: he only adds the infamy of servitude to the crime of murder.
Change is certain. Peace is followed by disturbances; departure of evil men by their return. Such recurrences should not constitute occasions for sadness but realities for awareness, so that one may be happy in the interim.
The man of virtuous soul commands not, nor obeys.
There may they dig each others graves, and call the sad work glory.
War is the statesmans game, the priests delight,
The Government of the United States has . . . . any and all rights which they choose to enforce in war - to take their lives, their homes, their lands, their everything . . . . war is simply power unrestrained by constitution . . . . To the persistent secessionist, why, death is mercy, and the quicker he or she is disposed of the better . . .
To the petulent and persistent secessionists, why, death is mercy.
We must act with vindictive earnestness against the Sioux, even to their extermination, men, women and children. Nothing less will reach the toot of the cause. [1866, in a letter to Ulysses S. Grant]
During an assault [on an Indian village] the soldiers can not pause to distinguish between male and female, or even discriminate as to age. As long as resistance is made, death must be meted out. [Instructions to the U.S. Army for the war against the Plains Indians, begun three months after Robert E. Lees surrender in the U.S. Civil War]
War is cruelty and you cannot refine it.
War is simply power unrestrained by constitution or compact.
For as there is no happiness without liberty, and no man more a slave than he that is overmastered by vicious passions, there is neither liberty, nor happiness, where there is not virtue.
William E. Simon (1927-2000)
If you would not confront your neighbor and demand his money at the point of a gun to solve every new problem that may appear in your life, you should not allow the government to do it for you.
The fact throughout history is that whenever government dominates the economic affairs of its citizenry, a free society is eroded, then destroyed, and a minority government ensues. Personal liberty without economic liberty is an absolute contradiction; the one cannot exist without the other.
The bureaucrats first objective, of course, is preservation of his job--provided by the big-government system, at the taxpayers expense. . . .Whether real world problems get solved or not is of secondary importance. It doesnt take much cynicism, in fact, to see that the bureaucrats have a vested interest in not having problems solved. If the problems did not exist (or had been invented), there would be no reason for the bureaucrat to have a job.
The aim of military training is not just to prepare men for battle, but to make them long for it.
Being shelled is the main work of an infantry soldier, which no one talks about. Everyone has his own way of going about it. In general, it means lying face down and contracting your body into as small a space as possible.
I am a red man. If the Great Spirit had desired me to be a white man he would have made me so in the first place. He put in your heart certain wishes and plans, in my heart he put other and different desires. Each man is good in his sight. It is not necessary for Eagles to be Crows. We are poor..but we are free. No white man controls our footsteps. If we must die...we die defending our rights.
People of the same trade seldom meet together, even for merriment and diversion, but the conversation ends in a conspiracy against the public, or in some contrivance to raise prices.
Men desire to have some share of the management of public affairs chiefly on account of the importance which it gives them.
To found a great Empire for the sole purpose of raising up a people of customers, may, at first sight, appear a project fit only for a nation of shopkeepers. It is, however, a project altogether unfit for a nation of shopkeepers, but extremely fit for a nation whose government is influenced by shopkeepers. Such statesmen, and such statesmen only, are capable of fancying that they find some advantage in employing the blood and treasure of their fellow-citizens to found and maintain such an empire.
War is just one more big government program.
If you want government to intervene domestically, youre a liberal. If you want government to intervene overseas, youre a conservative. If you want government to intervene everywhere, youre a moderate. If you dont want government to intervene anywhere, youre an extremist.
Politicians never accuse you of greed for wanting other peoples money--only for wanting to keep your own money.
Tyranny seldom announces itself. . . . In fact, a tyranny may exist without an individual tyrant. A whole government, even a democratically elected one, may be tyrannical.
Altering the Constitution has become the daily business of the Federal Government which the document is supposed to guide and limit. Both Congress and the judiciary assume, and exercise, countless powers they aren't entitled to.
...[T]he Constitution conferred only a few specific powers on the federal government, all others being denied to it (as the Tenth Amendment would make plain). Unfortunately, only a tiny fraction of the U.S. population today can grasp such nuances. Too bad. The Constitution wasn't meant to be a brain-twister.
Anyone who has proclaimed violence his method inexorably must choose lying as his principle.
In their own country, Roosevelt and Churchill are honored as embodiments of statesmanlike worship. To us, in our Russian prison conversations, their consistent shortsightedness and stupidity stood out as astonishingly obvious . . . what was the military or political sense in their surrendering to destruction at Stalins hands hundreds of thousands of armed Soviet citizens determined not to surrender.
He [Churchill] turned over to the Soviet command the Cossack corps of 90,000 men. Along with them he also handed over many wagonloads of old people, women, and children. . . . This great hero, monuments to whom will in time cover all England, ordered that they, too, be surrendered to their deaths.
The mistake must be at the root, at the very basis of human thinking in the past centuries. I refer to the prevailing Western view of the world which was first born during the Renaissance and found its political expression starting in the period of the Enlightenment. It became the basis for government and social science and could be defined as rationalistic humanism or humanist autonomy: the proclaimed and enforced autonomy of man from any higher force above him. [1978 Commencement Address at Harvard]
What is ominous is the ease with which some people go from saying that they dont like something to saying that the government should forbid it. When you go down that road, dont expect freedom to survive very long.
Blacks were not enslaved because they were black but because they were available. Slavery has existed in the world for thousands of years. Whites enslaved other whites in Europe for centuries before the first black was brought to the Western hemisphere. Asians enslaved Europeans. Asians enslaved other Asians. Africans enslaved other Africans, and indeed even today in North Africa, blacks continue to enslave blacks.
The more numerous public instrumentalities become, the more is there generated in citizens the notion that everything is to be done for them, and nothing by them. Every generation is made less familiar with the attainment of desired ends by individual actions or private agencies; until, eventually, governmental agencies come to be thought of as the only available agencies.
Be it or be it not true that Man is shaped in inequity and conceived in sin, it is unquestionably true that government is begotten of aggression, and by aggression.
He who regulates everything by laws, is more likely to arouse vices than reform them.
Peace is not an absence of war, it is a virtue, a state of mind, a disposition for benevolence, confidence, justice.
He alone is free who lives with free consent under the entire guidance of reason.
Vices are those acts by which a man harms himself or his property. Crimes are those acts by which one harms the person or property of another.
All these cries of having abolished slvaery, of having saved the country, of having preserved the union, of establishing a government of consent, and of maintaining the national honor are all gross, shameless, transparent cheatsso transparent that they ought to deceive no one. [Spooner, the great abolitionist, wrote in reference to the U.S. Civil War and Reconstruction]
The right and the physical power of the people to resist unjustice, are really the only securities that any people ever can have for their liberties.
No body of men can be said to authorize a man to act as their agent, to the injury of a third person.
. . . whoever desires liberty should understand these vital facts, viz.: 1. That every man who puts money in the hands of a government (so called), puts into its hands a sword which will be used against himself, to extort more money from him, and also to keep him in subjection to its arbitrary will. 2. That those who will take his money, without his consent, in the first place, will use it for his further robbery and enslavement, if he presumes to resist their demands in the future. [from No Treason: The Constitution of No Authority]
The ostensible supporters of the Constitution, like the ostensible supporters of most other governments, are made up of three classes, viz.: 1. Knaves, a numerous and active class, who see in the government an instrument which they can use for their own aggrandizement or wealth. 2. Dupes--a large class, no doubt--each of whom, because he is allowed one voice out of millions in deciding what he may do with his own person and his own property, and because he is permitted to have the same voice in robbing, enslaving, and murdering others, that others have in robbing, enslaving, and murdering himself, is stupid enough to imagine that he is a free man, a sovereign; that this is a free government; a government of equal rights, the best government on earth, and such like absurdities. 3. A class who have some appreciation of the evils of government, but either do not see how to get rid of them, or do not choose to so far sacrifice their private interests as to give themselves seriously and earnestly to the work of making a change. [from No Treason: The Constitution of No Authority, p. 18]
This war did not spring up on our land, this war was brought upon us by the children of the Great Father who came to take our land without a price, and who, in our land, do a great many evil things. . . . This war has come from robbery--from the stealing of our land.
The great mistake is that of looking upon men as virtuous, or thinking that they can be made so by laws.
Truth, and by consequence, liberty, will always be the chief power of honest men.
I was and still am convinced that women, being the victims of all social institutions, are destined to misery is they make the least concession to their feelings and if, in any way whatever, they lose control of themselves.
Innocence in genius, and candor in power, are both noble qualities.
He [Napoleon Bonaparte] was like an expert chess player, with the human race for an opponent, which he proposed to checkmate.
who controls the past controls the future, who controls the present controls the past.
Ideas are more dangerous than guns. We wouldnt let our enemies have guns, why should we let them have ideas?
A sincere diplomat is like dry water or wooden iron.
Death solves all problems--no man, no problem.
Everyone imposes his own system as far as his army can reach.
If any foreign minister begins to defend to the death a peace conference, you can be sure his government has already placed its orders for new battleships and airplanes.
If the opposition disarms, well and good. If it refuses to disarm, we shall disarm it ourselves.
In the Soviet army it takes more courage to retreat than advance.
Print is the sharpest and the strongest weapon of our party.
Whoever occupies a territory also imposes on it his own social system [as far] as his army can reach.
History shows that there are no invincible armies.
To choose ones victims, to prepare ones plan minutely, to slake an implacable vengeance, and then to go to bed . . . there is nothing sweeter in the world.
And this I must fight against: any idea, religion or government which limits or destroys the individual. This is what I am and what I am about. I can understand why a system built on a pattern must try to destroy the free mind, for this is the one thing which can by inspection destroy such a system.
The way in which the man of genius rules is by persuading an efficient minority to coerce an indifferent and self-indulgent majority.
The right to defy an unconstitutional statute is basic in our scheme. Even when an ordinance requires a permit to make a speech, to deliver a sermon, to picket, to parade, or to assemble, it need not be honored when its invalid on its face.
The state calls its own violence law, but that of the individual crime.
Every State is a despotism, be the despot one or many.
Might is a fine thing, and useful for many purposes; for one goes further with a handful of might than with a bagful of right.
Give me the money that has been spent in war and I will clothe every man, woman, and child in an attire of which kings and queens will be proud. I will build a schoolhouse in every valley over the whole earth. I will crown every hillside with a place of worship consecrated to peace.
If all nations had free trade, no one of them would have any special gain from it, just as, if all men were honest, honesty would have no commercial value. Some say that a man cannot afford to be honest unless all men are honest. The truth is that, if there was one honest man among a lot of cheats, his character and reputation would reach their maximum value. So the nation that has free trade when the others do not have it gains the most by comparison with them. It gains while they impoverish themselves. If all had free trade all would be better off, but then no one would profit from it more than the others. If this were not true, if the man who first sees the truth and first acts wisely did not get a special premium for it, the whole moral order of the universe would have to be altered, for no reform or improvement could be tried until unanimous consent was obtained. If a man or a nation does right, the rewards of doing right are obtained. They are not as great as could be obtained if all did right, but they are greater than those enjoy who still do wrong.
We were told that we needed Hawaii in order to secure California. What shall we now take in order to secure the Philippines? No wonder that some expansionists do not want to scuttle out of China. We shall need to take China, Japan, and the East Indies, according to the doctrine, in order to secure what we have. Of course this means that, on the doctrine, we must take the whole earth in order to be safe on any part of it, and the fallacy stands exposed. If, then, safety and prosperity do not lie in this direction, the place to look for them is in the other direction: in domestic development, peace, industry, free trade with everybody, low taxes, industrial power. [in reference to the Spanish-American war]
We have beaten Spain in a military conflict, but we are submitting to be conquered by her on the field of ideas and policies. Expansionism and imperialism are nothing but the old philosophies of national prosperity which brought Spain to where she now is. [The Conquest of the United States by Spain, p. 139]
Governments should not possess instruments of coercion and violence denied to their citizens.
Citizens have the natural right and the common sense duty to protect themselves, their families, their communities, and their property . . . guns are the equalizing tools of self-protection, utopian lamentations notwithstanding.
The public may actually be endangered more by banning less deadly weapons, handguns and assault weapons. . . criminals have indicated they would substitute more deadly weapons (e.g. shotguns and rifles, which can be easily made concealable by using a hacksaw . . . ), rather than less deadly weapons.
Assault rifles are defined by widely accepted criteria. Assault rifles are capable of machine-gun-like automatic fire. They are designed to wound rather than kill. They fire intermediate power cartridges, more powerful than most pistols, but considerably less deadly than hunting rifles which, by definition, are designed to kill. In any other context, assault rifle is a misnomer.
The saddest epitaph which can be carved in memory of a vanished liberty is that it was lost because its possessors failed to stretch forth a saving hand while yet there was time.
For in reason, all government without the consent of the governed is the very definition of slavery.
The Nazis said they had a Jewish problem. We say we have a drug abuse problem. Actually, Jewish problem was the name the Germans gave to their persecution of the Jews; drug abuse problem is the name we give to our persecution of people who use certain drugs.